Women in Leadership in Latin American Regionalism.
| Autor | Hoffmann, Andrea Ribeiro |
| Páginas | 349(14) |
Introduction
There is a growing literature on gender, women and leadership in individual countries such as the United States and at the global level (Ngunjiril & Madsen, 2015; Ngunjiri et al., 2015; Tan et al., 2018; Madsen, 2018), but this trend is not matched at the regional level, with the exception of the European Union (EU). EU gender studies include several topics such as gender equality policies (Hoskyns, 1996; Kantola, 2010; Van der Vleuten, 2007, Kantola & Lombardo, 2017), the Europeanization of social (and gender) policy (Falkner, 2007; Sedelmeier, 2009), gendered theories of regionalism (Kronsell, 2012; Hoskins, 2014; Abels, 2014, Kantola, 2010), and women in leadership as well (Claus et al., 2013, Caldeirinha & Horst, 2017).
Regional organizations in Africa, Asia and Latin America have less norms and policies in the area of social policy in general, and gender; the focus of the existing literature is on the consequences of globalization and trade liberalization for employment, labour conditions, and gender equality, and on how regional social and gender governance should be developed (Van der Vleuten, 2016). In the case of Latin America, the literature about gender at the regional level includes social movements and transnational advocacy networks (Roggeband, 2015), but the topic of women in leadership is also hardly addressed.
Despite almost absence of studies about them, women have not been absent from leadership in the region: for a brief period of time, three major countries in Latin America had, simultaneously, women in power, namely, Chilean President Michelle Bachelet (2006-2010; 2014-2018), Argentinian President Cristina Kirchner (2007-2015), and Brazilian President Dilma Roussef (2011-2016). In 2013, during their overlap period (2011-2014), one recently created regional organization, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), established gender as one of the eight top priorities in its agenda with relations with the European Union (EU). The main actors influencing such prioritization at the birregional level are transregional advocacy networks; the presence of the three female presidents and their leadership has been pointed out as a possible facilitator, but has not been explored in depth (Ribeiro Hoffmann & Roggeband, 2017).
This paper explores further the role of the 'Bachelet/Kirchner/Roussef mandates overlap factor' during the period of 2011-2014 to Latin American regionalism and the incorporation if gender commitments in CELAC, drawing on feminist approaches and the relation between women in leadership and policy outcomes (Childs & Krook, 2008). Next section traces the inclusion of gender commitments in Latin American regional institutions, and the third section analyses the case of Bachelet/Kirchner/Roussef mandates overlap.
Gender in Latin American Regionalism
There are several regional organizations in Latin America, such as the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), the Union of South American Nations (Unasur), the Andean Community (CAN), the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our Americas (Alba) and the Southern Common Market (Mercosur). These organizations were created in different historical contexts; the literature on Latin American regionalism distinguishes three main periods. The so-called 'first wave' of regionalism took place during the 1960s, when regional organizations such as the Latin American Free Trade Association (Associacao Latino Americana de Livre Comercio--ALALC) and the Andean Pact were created as a means to promote development via the substitution of imports from outside the regional in order to create scale for regional industry, as advanced by the 'dependency theory' approach, developed at the UN regional Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (Comissao Economica para a America Latina e o Caribe--CEPAL). The 'second wave' of regionalism evolved in the 1990s, under the influence of neoliberalism; regional organizations' main goal was to promote free trade as the best way to achieve development in a reversal of the previous paradigm. In this context Mercosur was created, and the Andean Pact was reformed into the Andean Community. Finally, after the turn of the century, a new phase evolved, which has been coined as 'post-hegemonic regionalism' when CELAC, Unasur, Alba and the Pacific Alliance were created. In this period, regional organizations embraced different concepts of development and strategies to achieve it. While the Pacific Alliance continued relying on free trade, Unasur and Mercosur promoted the idea of social development, focusing on political inclusion and the adoption of social policies to address what was perceived as the negative effects of neoliberal globalization, and Alba adopted the 21st Century Socialism (Bianculli, 2016). Recent political changes at the domestic level with a return of neoliberal oriented governments in a number of countries such as Brazil and Argentina have changed the landscape again, and are have a backlash impact on the institutionalization of social norms and policies (Rigirrozzi & Tussie, 2017).
During the last decades and along these "waves", most Latin American regional organizations adopted gender norms and policies, and established commitments to be implemented at the domestic level by member-states. In addition, some initiatives were developed to be adopted at the regional level, such as the requirement in Mercosur to gender mainstream external policies and conduct gender impact assessments of free trade policies. Despite the increased levels of institutionalization, most scholars are pessimist about their transformative effects on society. Mercosur gender mainstreaming in trade policy, for instance, was not implemented due to a lack of consensus on methodology (Ribeiro Hoffmann, 2014). Riesco argues that, in the case of the Andean Community, "issues like safety and health in the workplace labour migration, social security and capacity building are discussed but with little consequence [...] in most regional organizations social and gender governance consists mainly of recommendations and...
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